The Red-Green Alliance works to ensure a global society organized around shared democratic control over the economy, and economic and social equality across the globe. Production must be sustainable and function within the parameters of what the planet and people can bear. In order to achieve this, fundamental changes in the structure of the global economy are needed. Instead of globalization dictated by multinational corporations and governed by financial markets, we need political regulation and democratic control.
To ensure just trade conditions and financial stability, global institutions are needed to establish a set of common minimum rules. Based upon the UN, and in cooperation with trade unions and social movements, the Red-Green Alliance is therefore working to establish binding and democratic global institutions that can ensure these rules. It is crucial for the Red-Green Alliance that such global institutions are democratically rooted and provide the opportunity for countries to decide to lead the way and introduce better regulation for the benefit of people and the environment.
The Red-Green Alliance works for common ownership in many forms. Public authorities, employees, communities, and other associations of people must have direct control over production. This means that economic power is managed by the people and their elected representatives at local, regional, national and international levels. That will entail a radical expansion of democracy.
Globalization means that the capitalist economy is globally organized with an ever-expanding exchange of goods, investment, information, and labor. The financial markets are globally integrated, allowing banks and financial institutions to move capital and investment freely between countries.
The world economy is characterized by major economic inequalities and a production system that has already exceeded the limits of the world's carrying capacity.
The world is experiencing increasing militarization and war, recurrent economic crises, climate change, rising poverty, undemocratic regimes, and serious human rights violations. At the same time, we are approaching an ecological disaster with lightning speed. The reason is the capitalist system based on exploitation and oppression. It is also the most important obstacle to solving the world's problems.
For decades, world trade has been liberalized, and far-reaching privileges have been introduced for large multinational corporations. Free movement of capital has led to a global casino, and financial capital has gained historic political power. This is 'capitalist globalization' -- a globalization that puts the pursuit of profit above all other considerations. The developing countries' scope for development of alternative strategies has been curtailed, social rights are under attack, and environmental and climate policies are under constant pressure. In the struggle for another world, the basic choice is often portrayed as a choice between market-oriented globalization or right-wing nationalism. However, this is a false representation. There is an alternative. The socialist path. The real struggle is therefore between those who want capitalism and those who want socialism. In that struggle, both the right-wing nationalists and the liberalists are on the wrong side of the fight. Thus, globalization must not only be rescued from highly nationalist forces, it must also be rescued from its most ardent market-oriented supporters.
Therefore, the world needs a new form of global production that benefits people, society, and the planet. Rather than being dictated by the short-term need for profits, production must be organized on the basis of human needs and within the parameters of the earth's carrying capacity.
We take the implications of the fact that we only have one earth seriously. The earth's resources are therefore our shared responsibility, and should be our common property. We wish to take power and property from the multinational corporations, and build socially responsible, just and sustainable communities, namely socialism.
The difference between rich and poor countries that we see today is not a coincidence, but the product of historical processes. The development that has made some countries rich has made others poorer. Since its beginning, capitalism has been characterized by unequal power relations and exploitation. The industrial revolution was made possible by the profits and commodities extracted from the colonies. By deliberately de-industrializing the colonies, poor countries were retained in subordinate roles as commodity producers, while the rich countries developed industries.
However, global capitalism not only creates problems for the world's poorest. In both rich and poor countries, large parts of the population are under pressure from increasing global competition. This has led to increased economic inequality and far greater insecurity in relation to jobs, social security, educational opportunities, etc. Since the 1980s, reforms in many rich countries have eroded wages, so many low-wage earners need to have several jobs in order to get by, or they must apply for poverty relief from aid organizations. More and more people can only get temporary jobs, and they live with great insecurity and lack of rights. At the same time, many jobs are disappearing due to automation. Many companies hire migrants, who work in extremely poor conditions, which exerts further downward pressure on wages and working conditions. This development means that for the first time in centuries in our part of the world, a new generation is growing up with poorer living conditions than their parents.
Globalization has meant that entire industries have closed down, and especially the low-paid segment of industrial workers is constantly threatened with relocation. Local communities and cultures have broken down. The establishing of new industries has resulted in poor wages, a poor working environment, and precarious employment. In short, the free movement of capital, together with unorganized labor markets and inhumane working conditions, have created a systematic race to the bottom. Millions of people are victims of forced labor, debt slavery, human trafficking, and sexual exploitation. This impacts women and children especially hard.
Today, the economic and political dominance of the United States is increasingly challenged by other imperialist powers. This is especially true of China, which is not only the world's second-largest economic power, but is also expanding its political and military influence especially in Southeast Asia and Africa. In Europe, there is an intense conflict between Russia and the EU / US over the dominance of Eastern Europe. These conflicts include trade wars and may lead to military conflicts implicating the United States, China and Russia. Great powers like China, the EU and Russia represent their national capital interests and not justice. Although countries such as Russia and China are in conflict with the Western capitalist countries, these countries do not represent an alternative to the capitalist system.
The enormous inequality, insecurity and curtailment of democracy brought about by globalized capitalism and neoliberalism have also led to dramatic growth in various forms of reactionary forces. In some places, it is manifested in the form of xenophobic, right-wing nationalist and authoritarian parties that are gaining more and more power. At the same time, we are increasingly seeing the development of authoritarian states in many parts of the world, where states of emergency are declared, leading to the undermining of human rights, and where mass media and the internet are used to manipulate and monitor populations.
Capitalism has always been organized globally. But the way in which global capitalism is organized has been changing throughout history. Since the 1980s, the world has experienced a wave of neoliberal reforms, where country after country, inspired by liberalist ideology, has removed corporate and financial regulation. The result has been a far more brutal global competition and a financial sector that has repeatedly thrown countries or continents into deep financial crises. Constant international competition under capitalist globalization acts as heavy artillery, breaking down all barriers to the global market and forcing countries to choose between further economic integration into the world economy or preserving their sovereignty and democratic foundations.
Free trade agreements form a central part of capitalist globalization. The agreements further limit or completely eliminate individual nations' scope for policies that entail tighter regulation of the market. The aim has been to reduce the costs of cross-border trade for multinational companies. The consequence has been the lock-in of current regulations, and a further shift of power in favor of multinational corporations and capital, at the expense of democracy, national sovereignty, consumer protection, environmental protection, and decent pay and working conditions. Thus, the right to decide on our common future becomes a privilege for the few rather than for the many, and capitalist globalization thereby also poses a major democratic problem.
International institutions such as the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank and the EU have played a key role as tools for this policy. Through these institutions, free trade agreements have been introduced, forcing countries to open their markets to large companies. And with the help of loan agreements, the poor countries have been forced to pursue a neoliberal policy, which means, among other things, the privatization of transport, water, and public companies, as well as cuts in welfare services such as education and health.
This global development is an important backdrop for the construction of the EU. With the establishment of the internal market and the common policy internationally in trade and finance, European multinational corporations have been given better conditions to create and influence capitalist globalization.
The EU acts as a locomotive for global rules to promote the interests of multinational corporations and major banks.
The 1994 WTO agreements were first and foremost an initiative that came from the US and the EU. Many developing and less developed countries were pressured to conclude agreements where they stood to lose. The WTO has since been characterized by conflicts between the richest countries and various groups of developing countries. These conflicts have prompted the richest countries to seek methods other than the WTO, and today bilateral trade agreements have become the main strategy for the richest countries.
This is especially true of the EU, which has chosen to fundamentally change its trade policy towards former colonies. The Economic Partnership Agreements provide the EU with much more access to poor countries in the global South -- a breach of an old policy of allowing poorer countries to have higher tariff protection. This concept can have serious costs in the future and lead to increased poverty and de-industrialization.
The globalization of production and the neo-liberal policies that have supported this have meant that many companies have moved their industrial production in whole or in part out of the old industrialized countries to countries with lower wages, poorer working conditions and lacking in environmental regulation. Often, production takes place formally in an independent local company, but is in fact entirely dependent on the multinational groups.
Protection of capital and investments have led to major conflicts and struggles around the world, including in the rich part of the world. The latest trade agreements such as TTIP (EU and US), CETA (EU and Canada) and TPP (Asia Pacific) imply a further shift of power in favor of businesses and investors at the expense of democratic decisions, consumer protection, environmental legislation, and the like.
The agreements even allow companies to sue states for pursuing a policy that harms the companies' expected profits. This is possible through 'investment protection' (ISDS) agreements that the EU and its member states have long strived to codify as international norms. Currently, the EU is working to establish an international court, strongly prompted by business organizations. If this is successful, multinational corporations will have an invaluable tool to attack environmental policy proposals, stronger labor market rights or, for example, measures to ensure climate-friendly production.
The Internet has also given companies new opportunities to organize production and sales of products across the world. It has increased their power over employees and countries, and most of the world's largest companies, measured in market value, are internet-based. The Internet has increased the possibilities for communication and knowledge sharing, but unfortunately the activities of populations are monitored on the web by both states and businesses. In addition, personal data is poorly protected and is collected and sold as a commodity.
The deregulation of financial markets, along with the internet, has enabled financial investors to move their money in and out of local markets quickly, with devastating consequences for the local economy. It has given the financial sector a tremendous power on many levels. With its immense control of where investment happens, the financial sector can push local governments to implement the policy it pleases. This has meant a shift in the power relationship between states and financial capital. It also means that the world's wealthy people and big corporations are increasingly hiding their money in tax havens, thereby avoiding any type of financing toward nation-states.
Over the past twenty years, the world has endured a host of financial crises -- crises that show how unstable global capitalism is today. Despite these crises having cost millions of jobs, and shocked even major economies, free capital movements and deregulated financial markets remain a paradigm that has become firmly entrenched. There are so many interests at stake that even a financial meltdown like the one in 2008 has left no significant mark on the way financial markets operate. In 2017, the richest one percent of the population owned over half of the world's wealth, while 70% of the population owned only three percent.
The capitalist production system is fundamentally based on a combination of human exploitation and plundering nature and its resources, with far-reaching consequences for climate and the environment. Over the past decades, this production system has been increasingly organized and integrated globally in order to facilitate and interconnect the extraction of natural resources, production, and consumption across the globe. This globally organized extraction, production and consumption system relies on a massive use of fossil fuels and a constantly expanding pursuit of natural resources. The few multinational companies that dominate the system in, among other things, energy, transport, and industrial agriculture are the major polluters and consumers of resources.
The hunt for resources to support this system continues to plunder new land and sea areas, with more and more people are being expelled from the territories they have historically been nourished by, as the territories are unequally integrated into the extraction, production, and the consumption system. In addition to the severe climatic and environmental impacts affecting the poorest, in terms of pollution and more extreme weather conditions, the pursuit of natural resources prompts battles for control both within and across borders, and in international waters, leading to rising tensions between states and populations, that risk the triggering of wars.
The hunt for resources to support this production system continues to plunder new lands, where forests are cut down, where destructive mining is established, and where more and more people are displaced from the lands that have historically nourished them, which are taken over by multinational corporations. Rivers, drinking water reserves, land areas, and marine areas are contaminated, while the remaining resources are increasingly being privatized. In many places there is a fierce battle over the control of drinking water. The battle for control of resources is also taking place across national borders and in international waters. This leads to rising tensions between states and populations, triggering conflicts and war. In recent years we have also witnessed an increased military presence in the areas where the future race for resources and territories will occur, including the Arctic and Greenland.
Climate change and the destruction of nature and the environment have enormous health consequences for people, leading to or merging with other crises such as epidemics, hunger, malnutrition, allergies, problems with having children and much more. While it is the richest countries that historically bear the greatest responsibility for the climate and biodiversity crisis we are now facing, it is especially the poorest countries that pay the highest price in the form of ruined livelihoods and rising poverty. The fight against global inequality is thereby also undermined by climate change.
The speculative financial sector also plays a dangerous role for the environment and climate. Widespread speculation impacts on energy prices, food production, land prices and even trade in CO2 quotas, which, it were claimed, should reduce global warming.
Capitalism creates conflicts and is full of contradictions, and these contradictions have already led to two world wars and countless other wars. The risk of war is growing and military buildup is underway. The arms industry has grown to become a very large part of the economy in many countries. In some countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom, the weapons industry has a massive influence on political decisions and on foreign policy. An arms race is underway between the world's major and smaller powers, and this arms race is being amplified by the US's denunciation of key nuclear agreements with Russia and Iran.
The goal of the Red-Green Alliance is a world where people can live without fear of war. We share this wish with the vast majority of the world's population. The United Nations was formed after the Second World War on the basis of the peoples' massive desire to avoid more wars and as an agreement between the great powers at that time. The UN is a necessary institution for dealing with conflicts. The global developments make the UN more necessary than ever. However, the UN is not the people's world parliament, but a cooperation between governments. It is not democratic in its structure because of the veto power of the five great powers Russia, the United States, China, the United Kingdom, and France. The Red-Green Alliance is working to reform the UN system, including the abolition of the veto right.
We want to shut down NATO, and as a step toward this, Denmark should leave NATO. In addition, we are against the plans to build an EU army, and against the EU's support for building the European weapons industry.
We work toward a world free of nuclear weapons, and therefore for nuclear-free zones, and oppose nuclear weapons in Denmark, the Faroe Islands and Greenland.
Worldwide, millions of people are forced to leave their families and communities because of poverty, wars, or environmental problems, only to become poor migrant workers. There has been a global export of female labor from the Philippines and India, working in the service industry, as domestic workers, and in the sex industry. These people often work under very unfree conditions -- especially in a number of rich oil countries in the Middle East. Au Pairs in Denmark are an example: here the vast majority of women are from the Philippines, and their wage is very low. At the same time, their residency permit is tied to their contract, and they have unfree living conditions.
Many people choose to travel out into the world due to desire and curiosity, or to study. The other side of the coin is that it requires money that many do not have -- and visas that many cannot obtain. Yet the number of migrating international students and migrating highly educated people is booming, and this has both good and bad sides. For some countries, such as China, this means a rapid improvement in the number of educated in the country -- for other countries this causes a brain drain, where the best educated, for example doctors, leave the country.
When making rules about labor mobility, the Red-Green Alliance wants to balance two considerations. On the one hand, we want people to have as much freedom as possible to travel to other countries for work if they wish. On the other hand, we do not want employers to use the access to imported labor to press down wages and working conditions. We work toward all workers having the right to travel freely and apply for work in any country under the conditions that apply in that country. At the same time, we want to strengthen trade unions’ ability to determine the working conditions in a particular company or industry. Therefore, we are working to ensure that companies do not to have the opportunity to import labor that will be used to undermine wage and labor conditions. It should only be possible to import labor if the employer can document that the employment is carried out under ordinary contractual pay and working conditions, which the local trade union can approve.
We defend the right to asylum for people fleeing war and persecution, including for reasons of gender and sexuality. Refugees receiving asylum must have an easier right to permanent residency, so they can start a new life, and not risk being deported later. Refugees must have the same rights to work, education, housing, and family reunification as other citizens in Denmark.
Denmark must take the lead in the fight to provide security for climate refugees, and must work for international solutions to this. We are categorically opposed to the EU's inhumane forms of border control at the external borders, and to cynical agreements with dictators and authoritarian regimes to keep refugees out. The Dublin Convention must be repealed.
We work to ensure that Denmark takes on greater responsibility for refugees - to take more quota refugees, and that it should again be possible to seek asylum at embassies.
A just world requires global organization of the labor movement, the political left, and other progressive movements.
The corporations' ability to move around production, labor, and capital creates global pressure on wages, working conditions, and environmental regulation. It creates a situation where workers all over the world compete for the same jobs, but also a situation where many have direct or indirect colleagues in other countries. Yet, unions are still largely nationally based.
Although there are examples of trade union struggles going across borders e.g. among dock workers, airport staff, and within some multinational companies in the service industry, the trade union movement has still failed to organize strongly enough across borders to seriously challenge the power of multinational companies.
One of the weaknesses is that the trade union movement in the global north has not abandoned its power over international trade unions. This is despite the fact that there is falling membership in the global North's unions, while the global South is experiencing membership growth. The result is stronger South-South cooperation between trade unions, outside the global North.
In the global South, social movements are often the only progressive political organizations. In particular, over the past decade, social movements have undergone a political development where the struggle no longer only involves criticism of capitalism but also the development of alternatives. Thus, with various global issues such as the food system and trade and climate justice, a split has emerged between different political formations, notably between more mainstream and system-preserving NGOs, and the movements of different coalitions of the exploited and oppressed, who are fighting for a fundamental confrontation with capitalist globalization, and for real societal change. By appearing as a political alternative, the social movements of the global South have been able to unite trade unions, women's movements, indigenous peoples' movements, etc. This development has not happened in the same way in the global north, which has only hesitantly reached out and sought cooperation with such movements. In the Red-Green Alliance, we will strengthen our contacts and cooperation with the social movements in the global South.
The Red-Green Alliance advocates a boundless, committed, strong labour-based organization with legal and organizational muscle to enforce the demands of workers globally. This means an organization where it is possible to stay organized -- even when traveling across borders -- and where people working in the same company or in the same cross-border sector can be organized together and raise common demands. In addition, such a global trade union movement must raise demands for reduced working hours, dramatic increases in wages for low-wage groups, healthy and good working conditions for all, but also for a change in production in the direction of sustainability. The Red-Green Alliance will work for the Danish trade union movement to take the lead in the fight for a strong, progressive, global trade union movement. The Red-Green Alliance also works for cross-border chain responsibility, so that companies in Denmark can be held responsible for what they themselves, or their subcontractors, do in other countries.
Another important force is the movement of indigenous peoples, peasants and agricultural workers, especially women, who fight against the big companies' plundering of land and nature, and for a local, collective and sustainable agricultural production. These movements already have international collaborations and networks, and they play an important role in the fight against climate change and capitalist globalization, and for local, sustainable, and democratic production.
The women's movement has achieved major victories globally, but has a long way to go to achieve all its goals. At the same time, there is a strong increase in resistance from reactionary forces. Therefore, there is still a need to strengthen the women's struggle. This includes in the fight for equal pay and equal conditions in the labor market, and also the fight for the right to decide over one's own body, including against violence and violation of human rights.
The Red-Green Alliance stands in solidarity with people and movements around the world fighting in the same direction as us. This applies to trade unions, women's movements, LGBT movements, anti-racist movements, environmental movements, peace movements, movements for democracy, and socialist parties.
The Red-Green Alliance participates in and supports progressive movements, locally and globally. We believe that it is through such movements that we can bring about change. Our main principle is direct cross-border solidarity. This means that unions, the left, and other social movements must cooperate, help each other across borders, and make common solidarity demands.
In order to strengthen democracy, it is necessary to have democratic structures. Independent countries are important frameworks for building and strengthening democratic structures. The further away the decisions are made from the people they concern, the harder it will be to influence them. Global societal change is the result of changes made in independent states and the changes in the balance of power between countries that these changes bring about. Independent and democratic countries therefore remain the framework in which the crucial struggles that transform the world unfold. A green world with solidarity cannot be created and enforced from above. Socialism grows from below. However, the spread of capitalist globalization has created a world market in which the countries of the world are increasingly interdependent. A prerequisite for implementing global change is therefore to build strong international alliances and cross-border coalitions of popular movements that can change the power relations and create a new global agenda. In this context, progressive countries can together build international institutions based on democracy, sustainability, and equality as an alternative to capitalist globalization. The EU in particular presents great challenges. The EU's institutions and political strengths mean that the EU's role in the global economic scene is first and foremost to promote the interests of large transnational corporations. Crucial decisions are therefore often made in close interaction with corporate lobbyists, while democratic control is very difficult to establish. Popular mobilizations have proven to be the most effective tool for exercising influence, for example, EU trade agreements.
The Red-Green Alliance will work toward the development of international organizations based on democratic principles and consideration of people and the environment, where there is transparency in decisions and the potential for real popular influence. This means that the the Red-Green Alliance's natural starting point, among other things, will be to work for improvements in the UN system.
Food production must be organized so that all people are ensured healthy and culturally appropriate food, produced in socially and environmentally sustainable ways, within the parameters of the earth's carrying capacity. Rather than the current food system, where a handful of multinational corporations control and dictate production, distribution, and consumption patterns, food production must be based on human needs and subject to the democratic control of populations. This vision for a fundamentally different food system has been guided by the concept of food sovereignty, which the Red-Green Alliance supports and will actively participate in. This struggle for food sovereignty is part of a larger struggle for fundamental changes in the organization of the other sectors of the economy in order to put people, the environment, and climate before profit. It is particularly important that food production is organized so that all people are ensured healthy and tasty food, and that individual countries and regions have food sovereignty, and cannot be extorted through withholding food.
That is why we advocate a change in Danish agriculture to be ecological, sustainable, democratic, and targeted for local needs. And that is why we also support movements in other countries for local food sovereignty.
We want Denmark to lead and show the way for change. Workplaces, schools, educational sites, regions, and municipalities must contribute. We will support proposals at all levels for changes that will benefit the climate and nature, and that will combat global inequality.
We want to abolish all national, EU, and international regulations that hamper our ability to make public procurement requirements, to provide jobs and infrastructure for collective or national governance, and to enforce strict climate, environmental, and working condition standards. In short, to abolish all the rules that make it difficult for us to lead and inspire.
We oppose large companies plundering natural resources and exploiting people wherever they go. We will hold Danish companies accountable for participating in the looting of poor countries' natural resources or violating fundamental human rights in global production.
The Red-Green Alliance believes that the richest countries such as Denmark have a climate debt to pay. Therefore, we must lead the way with a radical reorganization of our production, transport, and consumption. The Paris Agreement's goal of reducing CO2 emissions is not ambitious enough and will not be followed. We support all globally binding agreements to stop the climate disaster. Unsuitable and environmentally harmful activities must be phased out in favor of socially beneficial activities that do not harm the environment.
All restructuring globally begins locally. Workplaces, schools and municipalities must contribute. We will support proposals at all levels for measures that benefit the climate and combat global inequality. At the same time, we want to maintain focus on the main causes of the climate crisis, namely the capitalist growth economy.
A core element of current capitalist globalization is its unequal integration of territories across the globe -- rooted in a systematic transfer of surplus value from certain territories to others. In tune with shifts in power in the global political economy and the emergence of new imperialist forces, such as China, flows of value are changing. However, multinational corporations from the old imperialist centers in Western Europe and the United States continue to play a crucial role in the exploitation of people and the looting of the environment in developing countries worldwide. Thus, a just distribution of the earth's resources will require a confrontation with these structures. One step in this direction is a massive redistribution, partly from the rich to the poor countries, and especially from the extremely rich elite to the rest of the world's population. This requires that key sectors such as energy, infrastructure, and the financial sector be taken over by the democratic control of the people.
A global redistribution also means that rich countries, such as Denmark, have a climate debt to pay. Therefore, the Red-Green Alliance supports the demand for rich countries to pay compensation to poor countries, In order to avoid the destruction of irreplaceable natural resources such as rainforests. At the same time, we must take the lead with a radical change in our production, transport, and consumption. The Paris Agreement's goal of reducing CO2 emissions is not ambitious enough and will not be followed. We support all globally binding agreements to stop the climate disaster. Unsuitable and environmentally harmful activities must be curtailed in favor of useful activities that do not harm the environment.
In Denmark and internationally, the UN's so-called Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) have received widespread support, from multinational corporations to large parts of the left. In the Red-Green Alliance, we find many of the 17 goals commendable in their intentions, but the problem arises in the way in which they are to be achieved. The vision for the achievement of the goals is based on a neo-liberal growth philosophy rooted in, among other things, increased free trade, consolidation of the existing food system, and increased extraction and use of natural resources. However, we do not solve the crises of the world by using the tools that created them. SDG 17 on “partnerships” is also worth noting, as the private sector in this goal is given a central role in meeting all the goals. Unfortunately, the envisioned role is not based on restrictions on the rights of the private sector by subjecting it to democratic control, but conversely that it should further be let loose.
To support a global redistribution, we are in favor of fair trade agreements that give poor countries opportunities to build an export on fair terms with richer countries. We will work to ensure that Denmark establishes an ethical certification, which provides consumers with information on imported goods produced under decent pay and working conditions, and complies with international environmental regulations.
Foreign aid to developing countries is used to combat poverty and support genuine development, however, it is also used as a tool to politically pressure, to support questionable regimes and as direct support for large companies. We advocate, that Denmark shall increase its foreign aid significantly and restructure and target it for the development of movements and civil society in the recipient countries. The main objective must be to fight poverty, to strengthen the organization of local people, to support democracy and the real development of the economy in the recipient countries, and to protect the environment. Foreign aid shall not be used as business support. Jobs are best created locally under local conditions and not through multinational corporations.
For the Red-Green Alliance, world trade is about exchanging goods between countries and regions -- not about the opportunity to invest money where you can get the most return. Therefore, national and international control of capital movements as well as relocation of production is needed.
For the Red-Green Alliance, the free movement of capital is one of the great challenges of our time. Free movement of capital gives the financial sector an immense power -- it deepens global inequality, for example in the housing sector, and for decades it has proven to be a highly destabilizing factor. Contributing to a confrontation with the free movement of capital is a key task of the Red-Green Alliance. This will inevitably lead to confrontations with the EU system.
Among other things there is a need for a tax on financial transactions, to discourage short-term and speculative investment. Similarly, we need to bring speculation in the price of, for example, food and oil under control, including by introducing 'position limits'.
Big banks need to be broken up so that we avoid national governments having to spend money on rescuing failed banks. There is also a need to set up community banks, whose purpose is to secure the societal economy in the long term, and not to secure profits in the short term. In particular, we will take care of our own situation in Denmark: Danske Bank is outrageously large in relation to the Danish economy, and poses a great risk. Simultaneously with the confrontation with banks that are too large, we must change the composition and rules for the financial sector.
The financial crisis in 2008 was a clear sign that something is terribly wrong in the financial markets, and too little has changed since then. The Red-Green Alliance must therefore set out to fight the power of the big banks in Denmark and break them up, while also contributing to the global struggle to roll back the crazy speculation circus. It's not just about creating financial market stability. It is about social equality and democracy.
The emergence of tax havens that allow large corporations and wealthy people to escape contributing to society at large is a serious problem. Instead, it becomes ordinary workers who are responsible for financing, for example, health and education in the rich as well as in the poor countries. It erodes the very foundation for welfare.
Action against tax havens is therefore one of the Red-Green Alliance's main priorities. We believe that a global register of financial asset ownership is needed. Penalties are also needed against those countries and companies trying to hide money from the tax authorities. Basically, stronger international efforts are needed than those currently pursued by the EU. However, there is also a need for a national effort where blacklisting can help citizens, businesses, and public institutions opt out of supporting actors engaged in tax swindling.
The international tax system furthermore helps to maintain global inequality between countries. The developing countries must therefore have massive support for building secure and solid local tax systems. Currently. corporate tax is accrued by the countries where companies have their headquarters or dodged through tax havens. Instead, the Red-Green Alliance wants taxation of companies' profits to be distributed according to which countries are produced in, and where the revenue is, thus that there is a link between economic activity, value creation, and taxation. Transferring profits to countries where there is no real taxation must be criminalized -- within the EU the so-called 'Luxembourg trick' must be made illegal. Finally, Denmark must take the lead in the fight to get a minimum rate of corporate tax, as well as being a pioneer in implementing international standards that fight the tax evasion of multinational corporations.
We work toward a global register of ownership of financial assets and penalties against countries and companies that hide money from tax authorities. We will work to introduce a wealth tax at a global level, and establish a floor for it, just as with corporate taxes, so that the very rich pay their share of the global bill. Initiatives within the EU must be precisely delimited for their purposes. Transferring broad competence to the EU in the field of taxation will not be an advantage for welfare and democracy.
Wealth built up by illegal activities, or systematic breaches of the work environment, and tax evasion, must be confiscated, and the owners must be punished.
The Red-Green Alliance fights for the societal right to regulate environmental, finance, energy, transportation, chemicals, industrial, and food regulations and standards.
In today's world, many of the traditional tariff barriers for goods and services are either completely removed or reduced to a minimum. Therefore, free trade agreements are mainly about removing so-called 'technical barriers' to trade. Technically sounds innocent but in reality, it is about deregulating standards that were established to protect the environment, food safety, health, etc. Where these standards cannot be completely eliminated, they are locked into uniform harmonization, which prevents a democratic majority in any given country from going in a different direction. The Red-Green Alliance is therefore against all free trade agreements such as GATS, CETA, TiSA, TTIP, which are all intended to protect private investors from the rules of society and the community, and partly to remove all barriers to the free movement of services, goods, and capital at the expense of democracy, social rights, and the resources of the earth. The Red-Green Alliance believes that international trade must not stand in the way of the fight against climate change and the fight for social justice, but should instead support them. Goods and services from industrialized countries that do not live up to decent working conditions should not be rewarded with duty-free access but must be subject to penalties. The same applies to products based on global production networks with heavy carbon footprints. Global trade must support developing countries' opportunities for economic development. Their economies, industries, and food production must be protected from unfair competition from multinational corporations. At the same time, their populations must have the right to choose their own state and societal structures. Furthermore, they must have fair access for their goods to rich countries' markets. Therefore, the Red-Green Alliance seeks a fundamental breach of WTO rules, and we simultaneously want to strengthen the opportunities of the poor countries through higher development assistance, and restructure it in favor of developing countries' own production and development.
An international set of rules must be built against the abuse of power and impunity of multinational companies. This has already begun to germinate within the UN, where a number of developing countries have signed an international treaty on multinational corporations and human rights. The Red-Green Alliance supports the work to create a binding UN treaty on transnational corporations and human rights, so that these corporations can be held accountable, and not be above the law.
We must prevent and actively seek to resolve the wars and conflicts caused by globalized capitalism due to inequality, economic instability, the struggle for resources, and the destruction of nature and climate. Denmark must have a peaceful foreign policy focusing on solving and preventing problems, and we must strengthen and democratize the UN. Together with the other Nordic countries, we must build knowledge and capacity for conflict resolution. We must resist the military buildup and the arms industry. Instead, we must make an active effort for peace, democracy, and human rights.
The Red-Green Alliance works for global solutions to global problems. But to achieve this, progressive forces in cities, countries, and regions need to be at the forefront. We cannot let the need for global solutions become a sleeping pillow in the struggle for concrete solutions here and now. Global change will always grow from below as a result of pressure from a wide range of countries, cities, and communities.
The Red-Green Alliance wants Denmark to be at the forefront of the fight for a more just world order. The struggle as a frontrunner country must often take place in opposition to international institutions, including the EU and the WTO. The WTO is designed to safeguard the interests of multinational corporations in globalization, and a reform fight in this context is therefore very difficult. This is due to the nature of the existing rules and that all countries, not least the United States, have the right to veto. Similarly, it is misguided to believe that the EU is a useful tool to meet the challenges of capitalist globalization. With the single market at its core, and with its growing role as a political and economic player, the EU is a project that will benefit European big capital. Therefore, the EU does not play a progressive global role in areas such as trade policy and finance. Often, for example, the EU is an imperialist player on par with the United States in the developing world. The Red-Green Alliance wishes to confront, the foundational pillars of the EU, including the free movement of capital, and free trade policy based on the wants and needs of the multinationals. The Red-Green Alliance has always been and will continue to be active in the fight for a progressive policy in the EU, but this tactic will never be sufficient. It is necessary to challenge the foundations of the institutions in our work to create a new framework, and new institutions that have their roots in a progressive agenda. It could be by going it alone, or it could be by forming coalitions outside the EU.
Democratic control of the economy is crucial. Long-term environmental and social considerations take precedence over short-term profit considerations. Inequality and marginalization at home and abroad, and the emerging climate crisis are both manifestations of developments that leave us no alternatives but radical, societal change at home as well as globally. Therefore, fundamental changes in ownership of businesses, land, and natural resources are needed.
The Red-Green Alliance works toward common ownership in many forms. Public authorities, employees, communities and other associations must be able to own and run businesses. In the longer term, sectors that are critical for society at large, such as energy supply, must be owned and controlled by the fellowship. This means that economic power is managed by the people and their elected representatives -- at local, regional, national and international levels. It is not new that radical change is difficult or impossible to implement at national level alone. But capitalist globalization has provided capital with essential tools of power that can be used to undermine societal changes in their cradle, if such changes are carried out in isolation. Capital flight and trade sanctions are for example very effective instruments to respond to the challenges to the neo-liberalist paradigm that characterize contemporary capitalism. That is why international solidarity must be at the heart of the work for social change. This means that cross-border coalitions must be built to counter the reactions, which will often come from international institutions such as the EU (e.g. Greece) and the IMF (as in countless cases in developing countries). Through these confrontations, we must aim to establish international institutions that are democratic and aim at sustainability and equality.
Adopted at the 2019 Annual Meeting of the Red-Green Alliance.
Translated by Van Presley